大一英语期末考试题型 翻译硕士英语的历年真题怎么找

翻译硕士英语的历年真题怎么找  

翻译硕士英语的历年真题怎么找

1980-2013年考研英语历年真题集含答案解析
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翻译硕士MTI考研用历年真题效果怎么样？

翻译硕士MTI历年真题是考生备考中的不二法宝，通过历年真题考生才能把握一个学校考试的命题趋势和难易程度。去策马翻译吧北外MTI基英是今年新增的科目，没有历年真题可以练习。

翻译硕士英语的Multiple choice是单选吗

multiple choice
英[ˈmʌltipl tʃɔis]
美[ˈmʌltəpəl tʃɔɪs]
复式选择、多项选择
[例句]Signing up for the site begins with a multiple choice , eight-question quiz.
要想注册这个网站，首先要回答8道多项选择题，比如：“我的朋友在哪种情况下会首先想到我？

是的。

Multiple choice的意思其实是从多个选项中选取一个正确答案，所以是表示单项选择题的意思。

multiple：英[ˈmʌltɪpl] 美[ˈmʌltəpəl]，

adj.多重的; 多个的; 复杂的; 多功能的;

n.倍数; [电工学] 并联; 连锁商店; 下有多个分社的旅行社;

choice：英[tʃɔɪs] 美[tʃɔɪs]

n. 选择; 选择权; 精选品; 入选者;

adj. 上等的，精选的;

翻译硕士专业学位（Master of Translation and Interpreting，缩写MTI），为促进中外交流，培养高层次、应用型高阶翻译专门人才，我国决定设定翻译硕士专业学位。翻译硕士学位的获得者应具有较强的语言运用能力、熟练的翻译技能和宽广的知识面，能够胜任不同专业领域所需的高阶翻译工作。

翻译硕士专业学位的培养目标为具有专业口笔译能力的高阶翻译人才。

常见的是单选题，这里的mutiple是有多个选项的意思，并不是说是选择多个而是从多个选择一个
翻译硕士专业学位（Master ofTranslation and Interpreting 缩写MTI），为适应我国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设事业发展的需要，促进中外交流，培养高层次、应用型高阶翻译专门人才，决定在我国设定翻译硕士专业学位。翻译硕士学位获得者应具有较强的语言运用能力、熟练的翻译技能和宽广的知识面，能够胜任不同专业领域所需的高阶翻译工作。

别逗笑好么，multiple choice是指只有一个最佳答案的多项选择题
也就是我们平时所说的单项选择题，multiple是指选项，而不是答案多选
随便翻翻我们以前的英语考试选择题，都是叫multiple choice

求中南大学英语翻译硕士历年真题，扣扣673177554

你好，中南大学的真题一般网上可以下载得到，下不到的可以打电话到中南大学那边的招生处，问问有没有真题，详情可以到我空间去看看。

跪求2010年考研211翻译硕士英语真题一套。

以下是上外2010年翻译硕士（MTI）考试的真题，贴出来你看看吧

【翻译硕士二外】
一、完形填空（全文录入，题目省略）
During the first many decades of this nation’s existence, the United States was a wide-open, dynamic country with a rapidly expanding economy. It was also a country that tolerated a large amount of cruelty and pain — poor people living in misery, workers suffering from exploitation.
Over the years, Americans decided they wanted a little more safety and security. This is what happens as nations grow wealthier; they use money to buy civilization.
Oasionally, our ancestors found themselves in a sweet spot. They could pass legislation that brought security but without a cost to vitality. But adults know that this situation is rare. In the real world, there’s usually a trade-off. The unregulated market wants to direct capital to the productive and the young. Welfare policies usually direct resources to the vulnerable and the elderly. Most social welfare legislation, even suessful legislation, siphons money from the former to the latter.
Early in this health care reform process, many of us thought we were in that magical sweet spot. We could extend coverage to the uninsured but also improve the system overall to lower costs. That is, we thought it would be possible to reduce the suffering of the vulnerable while simultaneously squeezing money out of the wasteful system and freeing it up for more productive uses.
That’s what the management gurus call a win-win.
It hasn’t worked out that way. The bills before Congress would almost certainly ease the anxiety of the uninsured, those who watch with terror as their child or spouse grows ill, who face bankruptcy and ruin.
And the bills would probably do it without damaging the care the rest of us receive. In every place where reforms have been tried — from Massachusetts to Switzerland — people e to cherish their new benefits. The new plans bee politically untouchable.
But, alas, there would be trade-offs. Instead of reducing costs, the bills in Congress would probably raise them. They would mean that more of the nation’s wealth would be siphoned off from productive uses and shifted into a still wasteful health care system.
The authors of these bills have tried to foster efficiencies. The Senate bill would initiate several interesting experiments designed to make the system more effective — giving doctors incentives to collaborate, rewarding hospitals that provide quality care at lower cost. It’s possible that some of these experiments will bloom into potent systemic reforms.
But the general view among independent health care economists is that these changes will not fundamentally bend the cost curve. The system after reform will look as it does today, only bigger and more expensive.
Rather than pushing all of the new costs onto future generations, as past governments have done, the Democrats have admirably agreed to raise taxes. Over the next generation, the tax increases in the various bills could funnel trillions of dollars from the general economy into the medical system.
Moreover, the current estimates almost certainly understate the share of the nation’s wealth that will have to be shifted. In these bills, the present Congress pledges that future Congresses will impose painful measures to cut Medicare payments and impose efficiencies. Future Congresses rarely live up to these pledges. Somebody screams “Rationing!” and there is a bipartisan rush to kill even the most tepid cost-saving measure. After all, if the current Congress, with pride of authorship, couldn’t reduce costs, why should we expect that future Congresses will?
The bottom line is that we face a brutal choice.
Reform would make us a more decent society, but also a less vibrant one. It would ease the anxiety of millions at the cost of future growth. It would heal a wound in the social fabric while piling another expensive and untouchable promise on of the many such promises we’ve already made. America would be a less youthful, ragged and unfiving nation, and a more middle-aged, civilized and sedate one.
We all have to decide what we want at this moment in history, vitality or security. We can debate this or that provision, but where we e down will depend on that moral preference. Don’t get stupefied by technical details. This debate is about values.
二、阅读理解，回答问题
Obama Loses a Round
While the jury is still out on what President Obama’s China visit has achieved for the long term, the president has most decidedly lost the war of symbolism in his first close encounter with China.
In status-conscious China, symbolism and protocol play a role that is larger than life. U.S. diplomatic blunders could reinforce Beijing’s mindset that blatant information control works, and that a rising China can trump universal values of open, aountable government.
During Mr. Obama’s visit, the Chinese outmaneuvered the Americans in all public events, from the disastrous town hall meeting in Shanghai to the stunted press conference in Beijing. In characteristic manner, the Chinese tried to shut out the public, while the U.S. unwittingly cooperated.
The final image of President Obama in China that circulated around the world is telling: A lone man walking up the steep slope of the Great Wall. The picture is in stark contrast to those of other U.S. presidents who had their photographs taken at the Great Wall surrounded by flag-waving children or admiring citizens. Maybe Mr. Obama wanted a quiet moment for himself before returning home. But a president’s first visit to the wall is a ritual that needs to be properly framed. Mr. Obama could have waited until the next visit, when he could bring the first lady and the children. Instead, he went ahead by himself to pay tribute to China’s ancient culture. In return, the Chinese offered nothing, no popular receptions, not even the panionship of a senior Chinese leader.
The trouble for the U.S. started at the town hall meeting o days earlier — a more scripted event than those anized with students for earlier U.S. presidents. There was no real dialogue, as a programmed audience, most of them Communist League Youth members, asked coached questions.
The Chinese also rejected the U.S. request for live national coverage and defaulted on a promise to live-stream the meeting at Xinhua., the online version of China’s state-owned news agency. Mr. Obama scored a point when he managed to address the issue of Inter freedom after the U.S. ambassador, Jon Huntsman, fielded him the question from a Chinese izen submitted online.
Meanwhile, Chinese officials garnered from the meeting generous quotes from Mr. Obama affirming China’s achievements and America’s expressions of good will, which were turned into glowing headlines for the Chinese media. In this round of the propaganda skirmish, the U.S. scored one point while China reaped a handful.
Mr. Obama was similarly shut out from addressing the public in Beijing. At the Beijing press conference, President Hu Jintao and President Obama read prepared statements and would not take questions from reporters. “This was an historic meeting beeen the o leaders, and journalists should have had the opportunity to ask questions, to probe beyond the statements,” protested Scott McDonald, the president of China’s Foreign Correspondents Club, but to no avail.
In a final dash to break through the information blockade, the Obama team offered an exclusive interview to Southern Weekend, China’s most feisty newspaper, based in Guangzhou. Once again, journalists’ questions were programmed and the paper censored. In protest, the paper prominently displayed vast white spaces on the first and second page of the edition that carried the interview. Propaganda officials are investigating this act of defiance.
Only the Obama team knows for sure how they allowed themselves to be outmaneuvered. Unwittingly, the U.S. helped to produce a package of faux public events.
Pundits argued that the visitors were not supposed to impose the “American way” on China and that America needs to respect Chinese practices. The argument is both patronizing and condescending. Increasingly, the Chinese public has been clamoring for greater official transparency and aountability, while the Chinese government has been making progress on these fronts. No one in his right mind would ask Mr. Obama to lecture Beijing on human rights. But the Chinese public deserves better aounting, no less than Americans citizens.
To their credit, U.S. officials did try to get their message out online. But it was the Chinese bloggers who were most active in challenging official information control. They at least fought the good fight with growing confidence, a fight the Americans seem unable to wage effectively.
三、写作。题目是 《waste not， want not》
【英语翻译基础】
一、名词解释
MDGS Millennium Development Goals 千禧年发展计划
Ban Ki-moon 潘基文
国务卿 Secretary of State
雷曼兄弟(Lehman Brothers)
次贷危机subprime lending crisis
西部大开发战略strategy of western development
二、英译中
China's bubbles
A lot of things in China carry a whiff of excess. The cost of garlic is among them: wholesale prices have almost quadrupled since March. A halving of the planting area last year, and belief in the bulb's powers to ward off swine flu, provide some justification for the surge. But anecdotes of unbridled trading activity in Jinxiang county, home to China's largest garlic plant, suggest that the most likely cause is the most obvious – the abundant liquidity swilling through the system. New loans in China may Rmb10,000bn this year, double the run-rate of the preceding years; 2010 should bring another Rmb7-8,000bn.
In the week that Dominique Strauss-Kahn, head of the International Moary Fund, said asset bubbles were a cost worth paying for reviving growth through loose moary policy, China needs to distinguish beeen good ones and bad ones. A bubble in garlic is small, financed by private speculators, and relatively harmless when it bursts. Bubbles in productive assets – roads, bridges, tele lines – are also tolerable; capital has been put in place that can be exploited by somebody.
But bubbles in property – financed by banks, on non-productive assets – are doubly destructive. Zhang Xin, chief executive of Soho China, one of the country's most suessful privately owned developers, believes that rampant wasteful investment in mercial property has already undermined China's long-term prospects. As for housing, which China began privatising just 11 years ago, prices rose at an annualised rate of 9 per cent beeen September and October – significantly higher than the ongoing 2.25 per cent one-year deposit rate and the 5.31 per cent one-year lending rate. What's more, this was the eighth suessive month of above-trend growth in the national house price index. So far, attempts to arrest price rises have been minor – restrictions

中南大学翻译硕士历年真题哪里有

校本部 三办公楼有卖历年真题的。

211翻译硕士英语真题哪里可以买到

211翻译硕士英语是所报大学自命题，你想考哪个大学就买那个的往年考研卷。翻译硕士考四门，除政治为教育部命题外，其余三门均为所报大学自命题。你可以买一本MTI教指委编写的大纲，上面有命题格式，各校都得遵照这个大纲命题。