魏晋玄学的主积极作用 魏晋玄学之王弼的介绍 中英文对照版

魏晋玄学之王弼的介绍 中英文对照版  

Wang Bi (226-249 CE)Wang Bi (Wang Pi), styled Fusi, is regarded as one of the most important interpreters of the classical Chinese texts known as the Daodejing (Tao Te Ching) and the Yijing (I Ching). He lived and worked during the period after the collapse of the Han dynasty in 220 CE, an era in which elite interest bega n to shift away from Confucianism toward Daoism. As a self-identified Confucian, Wang Bi wanted to create an understanding of Daoism that was consistent with Confucianism but which did not fall into what he considered to be the errors of then-popular Daoist sectarian groups. He understood his main t ask to be the restoration of order and a sense of direction to Chinese society after the turbulent final y ears of the Han, and offered the ideal of establishing the “true way” (zhendao) as the solution. Althou gh he died at the age of twenty-four, his interpretations of Daoism became influential for several reaso ns. The edition of the Daodejing that he used in his commentary on that work has been the basis for almost every translation into a Western language for nearly two centuries. Moreover, his interpretation s of Daoist material did not undermine Confucianism, making them palatable to later Confucian thinker s. Finally, Wang Bi?s work provided a way of talking about indigenous Chinese beliefs that made the m seem compatible with the introduction of Indian Buddhist texts and ideas in the decades to follow.1. The Context of Wang Bi’s Work Wang Bi lived and worked during the period after the collapse of the Han dynasty in 22 0 CE, an era in which elite interest began to shift toward Daoism. A brief explanation of this transformation of intellectual interests in early medieval China is necessary in order to understand Wang Bi?s thought in its original context. Beginning with the reign of Emperor Wu (r. 140-187 BCE), the Han state embraced Con fucianism as its official ideology. Training in the Confucian classics became mandatory fo r all officials, and there was an active program of suppression of alternative thought, incl uding the persecution of Prince Liu An of Huainan, a prominent Daoist supporter. Nevert heless, Daoism did not disappear. By the first century CE, Daoist texts began to reappear in political discussion, and during the following century, sectarian Daoist movements suc h as the tianshi (Celestial Masters) became active. Although Confucian scholars were still needed by the rulers of post-Han states such as the Wei because of their knowledge and experience in state rituals and administrative matters, by Wang Bi?s time Daoism was “i n the air” and exercising a powerful influence on the thinking of commoner and aristocra t alike. Accordingly, the interests of some members of the educated elite turned toward Daoism. They labored to create a renaissance in Daoist thought, but one that directly avoided follo wing the religious beliefs and practices of the Celestial Masters and the various permutati ons of Daoism that had rapidly developed. These thinkers are generally gathered loosely u nder the title of xuanxue (Dark Learning, Mysterious Learning or Profound Learning), so metimes called Neo-Daoism. The term xuanxue was derived from a line in the first chapt er of the Daodejing, according to which the dao (Way) is xuan zhi you xuan (darker tha n dark). Among the principal xuanxue figures were Zhong Hui (225-264 CE), Xiang Xiu (223?-300 CE), Guo Xiang (d. 312 CE), and Wang Bi. A Confucian rather than a sectarian Daoist, Wang Bi wanted to create an understanding o f Daoism that was consistent with Confucianism but which did not fall into what he cons1idered to be the errors of the Celestial Masters and their popular religious practices. He u nderstood his main task to be the restoration of order and a sense of direction to Chinese society after the turbulent final years of the Han. He offered the ideal of establishing th e “true way” (zhendao) as the solution. Undoubtedly, his ultimate goal was to examine th e mysterious knowledge of creation and translate it into a viable political and social progr am. Due to his untimely death, however, he had very little impact on the politics of his day. Nevertheless, through his commentarial work and the way in which his ideas were r egarded as congenial to early Chinese Buddhism, his philosophical influence was profound. 2. Wang Bi’s Commentaries Wang Bi?s best known commentaries are those on the Daodejing and Yijing. What is ofte n overlooked is that he also wrote a commentary on the Confucian Analects (Lunyu Shiy i), some fragments of which still survive. His writings have been collected and annotated in two volumes entitled Wang Bi ji jiaoshi (Critical Edition of Wang Bi’s Collected Work s). The bibliography below lists this work and other English translations of his major co mmentariesa. On the AnalectsWhat we know about the Analects commentary is that it was written as a criticism of th e texts that Wang?s mentor He Yan (Ho Yen, d. 249 BCE) considered to be most impor tant. Wang?s approach, as far as we can tell from what remains of the commentary, was to focus on those passages that stress the limited capacity of language, especially with res pect to the inability to define in language the nature of the sage. His selection of passage s and remarks sets up a substantial rapprochement between Confucianism and his version of Daoism by basically providing him with a kind of hermeneutical license. His comment aries are in the zhangju (“chapter and verse”) format, in which a great deal of emphasis is placed on individual words and images in the “verses” and the meaning that lies behin d them, carefully avoiding any sort of approach that regards philosophical concepts as ref erentialb. On the YijingWang?s commentary on the Yijing, a traditional Chinese divinatory text of uncertain antiq uity consisting of hexagrams and their interpretations, cross-annotates it with the Daodejin g. In this way, he transforms the interpretive tradition concerned with the Yijing by settin g aside what he regards as an over-reliance on mathematical and symbolic readings of th e text (typical of Han scholars) and exposing what he takes to be its xuanxue. For example, while Han thinkers such as Ma Rong (79-106 CE) tried to make textual im ages referential, Wang avoided this consistently. Ma claims that “fifty” refers to the polest ar, the two forms of yin and yang, the sun and moon, the four seasons, the five element s (wuxing), the twelve months, and the twenty-four calendar periods. In Ma?s interpretatio n, because the polestar does not move, it is not used, and thus the number is forty-nine, not fifty. In contrast to this approach, Wang looks behind the language for underlying pri nciples or xuanxue meanings. Wang?s commentary on the hexagrams draws heavily from passages in the Daodejing and Zhuangzi . He uses major Daoist ideas to interpret the Yijing, culminating in his theory that change and dao are unified and his position that Laozi?s ideas are already contained in the Yijing. He appropriates the notions of being (you) and nothingness (wu) from the2Daodejing and uses them in his interpretation of divination.c. On the DaodejingMany of Wang?s most basic ideas concerning the Daodejing are discussed below. But wit h respect to his commentary on this work, he is probably as well known for the text tha t was transmitted with the commentary as he is famed for the commentary itself. This te xt became the basis, first for Chinese scholarship on the Daodejing, and later for translati ons of the text into Western languages. In his A Chinese Reading of the Daodejing: Wan g Bi's Commentary on the Laozi with Critical Text and Translation, Rudolf Wagner, prov ides a careful study of Wang?s work on the text. The recent translation of the Daodejing by Roger Ames and David Hall is based on a co nflation of the two Mawangdui (MWD) versions of the text, supplemented by that of Wa ng Bi. Mawangdui is the name of a site near Changsha in Hunan province in which som e early Han tombs containing texts were discovered in 1972. These discoveries include tw o incomplete editions of the Daodejing on silk scrolls, now simply called “A”and “B.” A mes and Hall believe that Wang was actually working from a textual source that was clo ser to their own conflated version of the MWD materials than the received text that he h ad put in his own commentary (Ames and Hall, 76). In contrast, another recent translator of the Daodejing, P.J. Ivanhoe, believes that although the MWD versions offer help with how one might translate certain passages, there is nothing in them that fundamentally co nflicts with or alters our understanding of the core philosophical notions of the Wang Bi text. Wang?s version of the Daodejing contains eighty-one chapters that are divided into two b ooks, but the actual division of the text into two books predates the Wang Bi edition. La ter versions of the text built upon that of Wang and added book and chapter titles. In W ang?s edition, Book One consists of chapters 1 through 37, and later it came to be called the dao half of the text. Book Two consists of chapters 38 to 81 and is known as the de half. One of the principal differences between the MWD versions and that of Wang B i is that the order of the chapters is reversed, with 38-81 in the Wang Bi coming before chapters 1-37 in the MWD versions.. 3. Central Ideas in Wang Bi’s Writingsa. On LanguageA substantial part of Wang?s interpretive philosophy is rooted in his view of language. Hi s view of language is consistent with that of the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi. Both work s teach that words are inadequate for the expression of truth. As Daodejing 1 says, “The way that can be spoken of is not the constant way. The name that can be named is not the true name.” For Wang, this means that the dao lies beyond language He goes furthe r, however, holding that words must always be distinguished from their underlying meanin g. Indeed, Wang claims that taking words referentially is an obstacle to xuanxue -- that words must be forgotten in order to penetrate into the world of meaning. He finds suppo rt for this view in classical Daoist texts. Specifically, he makes use of the Zhuangzi?s tea ching about “forgetfulness” (chs. 4, 12, 24). This view of language gives Wang the freed om to uncover what he believes to be the profound meaning that lies behind the words o f the classical texts of Daoism, which in turn makes it easier for him to tie them to the Yijing and even to the Confucius of the Analects.b. On Non-Being3Wang?s commentary on the Daodejing centers around his interpretation of the concept of “nothing” (wu) or “non-being” as that out of which the ten thousand things (e.g., all phen omena) arise. He believes that “nothing” is pointed to in the text by means of its fundam ental analogies: valley, canyon, bowl, door, window, pitcher, and hub of a wheel. There c an be no doubt that Wang regards “nothing” as the dao. When he explains the first sente nce of Daodejing 6 (“The spirit of the valley never dies; it is called the obscure female”), he says, “The spirit of the valley is the Non-Being found in the center of a valley. The Non-Being has neither form, nor shadow; it conforms completely to what surrounds it…. Its form is invisible: it is the Supreme Being.”c. On “The One”In articulating his understanding of the dao, Wang appeals directly to the Daodejing’s co mments on cosmogony, according to which the dao gives birth to One, One gives birth t o two, two to three, and three to the ten thousand things. Yet Wang does not believe tha t the One is a being. On the contrary, it is the mysterious center of things, The dao is Non-Being. To say that it lies at the “beginning” is not to make a temporal statement, b ut a metaphysical one. On Daodejing 25, Wang writes, “It is spoken of as ?Dao? insofar as there is thus something [for things] to come from.” Interpreting the fifty-first chapter, he writes, “The Dao—this is where things come from.” Wang makes his views clearer w hen he offers a commentary on the word “One.” Han thinkers took the One referentially and identified it with the North Star. But Wang takes a radically different approach. For him, the One is not used referentially in terms of some external thing, nor is it a numbe r. It is that on which numbers depend. The idea that the One underlies and unites all phenomena is also vigorously stressed in Wang?s commentary on the Yijing. In this work, Wang makes it clear just how it is that dao as Non-Being is related to the world of Being. The Yijing consists of hexagrams m ade up of six broken lines (representing the yin cosmic force) and unbroken lines (represe nting the yang cosmic force). Since ancient times, the text has been used as a tool for di vination. In Wang?s day, the typical interpretation of a hexagram associated it with a spec ific external event, but Wang uses his theory of language to put forward the view that th e hexagram?s meaning lies in identifying the general principle (li) behind all particular obj ects. Wang thinks that the principle is discoverable in one of the six lines of a hexagram, so that the other five become secondary. These principles constitute the fiber of the One.d. On WuweiWang Bi?s views on the sage reveal his understanding of wuwei (effortless action). He be lieves that the sage rises above all distinctions and contradictions. According to Wang, alt hough the sage remains in the midst of human affairs, he accomplishes things by taking no unnatural action. Thus, the sage?s conduct is an example of wuwei. Wang is clear that this does not mean that the sage “folds his arms and sits in silence in the midst of som e mountain forest.” It means that the sage acts naturally. To such a sage, all life transfor mations are the same and one must not impose value judgments on them. In making deci sions, the sage should have “no deliberate mind of his own” (wuxin) but instead should r espond to life events spontaneously, without any discrimination. In short, this means that t he sage puts aside desires because they are corrupting and destructive. Strictly speaking, t he sage?s wuwei is not a strategy to diminish desire; it is evidence of the absence of des ire -- emptiness, or Non-Being. In Wang?s view, Confucius was such a sage because his4life had broadened the dao. (Analects 15.29) Such interpretations created fertile ground in which Buddhism could take root, thereby entering the Chinese intellectual stream through Daoism.e. On ZiranThe Daoist concept of ziran (usually translated as “spontaneity” or “naturalness”) is interp reted by Wang Bi to mean “the real.” Likewise, in his commentary on the Daodejing, de is not a reference to virtue (as it usually is understood), or even less to specific virtues, but to that which persons obtain from dao. Yet, for Wang, the text teaches that dao mo ves spontaneously and accomplishes its tasks. Providing for all, “nothing is done”Thus, Wang thinks that humans have created disorder by their thought and action. If they return to dao in wuwei, then de will become available as ziran. De will not be the result of h uman action, politics, or contrivance. If the ruler becomes a sage and embraces wuwei, he will transform the people and broaden the dao, just as Confucius (not Laozi) did. 4.Wan. Bi’s Influence on Chinese Philosophy Wang Bi?s metaphysics has influenced the development of Chinese philosophy in at least two important respects. First, after Wang Bi, some Chinese literati began to distinguish “philosophical” Daoism (d aojia) from “religious” Daoism (daojiao), a distinction that was reinforced by the geograp hical relocation of the tianshi movement and elite attempts to devalue it as a legitimate e xtension of classical Daoist thought. This distinction has persisted throughout the history o f Chinese thought, but it is an unfortunate one, and moreover one without any basis in t he historical practice of Daoist communities (Kirkland, 2). In constructing his interpretive framework, Wang avoided sectarian Daoism and did not take seriously the philosophical r oots of tianshi thought. He made no serious attempt to consider how Daoism was practic ed before the Han. Thus, Wang?s typology of Daoism laid the groundwork for what is ar guably not only the most influential, but also the most systematically misleading, way of thinking about the development of Chinese philosophy. Second, Wang?s commentary on the Daodejing was crucial for the process by which the Mahayana Buddhist dharma (doctrine, teaching) began to gain a foothold in China. The most obvious example of Wang?s influence can be seen in the way the Mahayana notion of emptiness was assimilated into Chinese thought. According to Wang, the Daodejing asserts that being comes from nonbeing, and that nonbeing is the ultimate substance of be ing. As we have seen, he exploited the Daodejing’s analogies for emptiness, reading their meaning in terms of xuanxue. As Buddhist texts such as the Prajnaparamita (Transcende ntal Wisdom) Sutra were translated, clear connections were made between its teaching that all forms are empty and Wang?s reading of the dao. So, it became widely believed, or at least widely proclaimed, by early Chinese Buddhists that Laozi and Buddha had both t aught the need for a return to non-being. Wang?s commentarial work played a strategic r ole in making this interpretation more convincing.5王弼（226-249）王弼，字辅嗣，被认为是在中国古代注解《道德经》和《易经》方面最权威的人物。

他生活于汉朝 瓦解（公元 220 年）后的时期，那个时期思想由儒家转向道家。王弼想融合道和儒两家思想，但是因为 与当时道家集团在思想认识上存在分歧而无法成功。在汉朝末年战乱纷飞，王弼以通过理顺各种关系， 恢复国家统一和社会稳定为己任， 提出了“道”的思想。 虽然王弼在 24 岁时因疾疫死去， 但是他注解的 《道 德经》却对后世产生了很大的影响。他注解的《道德经》在被翻译成外文传入西方长达两个世纪。王弼 通过注解《道德经》并没有彻底反对儒家思想，而是转变了儒家思想的研究方向，后世儒学家在王弼思 想基础上提出新的理论是与王弼的贡献分不开。1、背景王弼生活于汉朝瓦解（公元 220 年）后的时期，那个时期思想逐渐由儒家转向道家。通过介绍当时 中国的社会背景有助于更好的理解王弼的思想。 自汉武帝（公元 140-187 年）开始，儒家经典就已经成了统治者的工具。利用儒学统一思想并压制 别的思想发展，并命令所有官员都要学习儒学，淮南王刘安因为信奉道家而被迫害。然而，道家并没有 消失。在公元 100 年前后，道家思想开始出现于朝廷上的政事的讨论中。随后，东汉时张陵创天师之道 使道家思想活跃起来。尽管当时统治者因为仍把儒学当作国教及统治国家的工具，但王弼时期的道教已 经深入到平民和贵族的思想当中。

因此，当时的一些知识分子逐步开始把思想转向道教，他们艰难的恢复道教思想。然而，另一方面， 佛教的传入及与道教思想的结合加速了道教的发展。这些思想家一般收集松散的玄学文章（黑暗学说、 神秘学说或内涵的学说） ，有时候被称为东正教。这个时期的玄学起源于《道德经》的第一章节“道” 所 ， 谓“道”就是玄而又玄的意思。玄学的创始人为钟会（公元 225-264） 、向秀 (公元 223?-300 ), 郭向(公元 3 12 )和王弼。 王弼想融合道和儒两家思想，但是因为与当时道家集团信奉理念上的不同而失败。在汉朝末年战乱 纷飞，王弼以通过理顺各种关系，恢复国家统一和社会稳定为己任，提出了“道”的思想。王弼最终目的 使通过认真的观察和深刻的思考，找出可行性的治国之策。因为他的早故，致使他的思想在当时影响不 大。然而，他的注解工作和“道”的思想适合了中国的佛教，他的哲学思想影响深远。2、王弼的注解王弼因注解《道德经》和《易经》而著名，同时他还注解了孔子的《论语》 ，有些零碎的章节被保存 下来。他的作品被整理收集为两卷称为《王弼集校译》 （评论版王弼作品集） 。 a、文集方面 我们所知到的注解文集被王弼的好友何晏( 公元 249 )认为是最重要的。

王弼的研究方法， 我们可以 通过残余的注解来了解，通过有限的语言，尤其是考虑到无法对圣人从语言上进行定义。他通过筛选和 注解来融合儒家和道家。他的注解形式为章句，主要强调关键词语的位置及在诗文中进行形象的比喻， 力图摆脱任何表面现象，以尊重哲学观念作为参考内容。 b、关于易经 王弼注解的《易经》是一本古代中国占卜未知事务的方法的书，和注解《道德经》相反，他改变了 传统注解《易经》的方法，不注重数字和符号（典型的汉朝儒家注重） ，这表现了他把其内容引入玄学的 想法。 例如，汉朝思想家马荣很注意参考文章中的图像，而王弼却不这么做。马荣声称 50 是代表北极星， 阴阳两个图案是代表太阳和月亮，代表四季，五个元素（五行） ，在马荣的注解里面，认为北极星是不动 的，不可用，数目应该是 49，而不是五十。与之现反，王弼则寻找语言后面的原理。 王弼在《道德经》和《庄子》里面注解六角星则用很重的线条，王弼用道家思想去解释《易经》 ，最6终在他思想里认为变化和道是统一的，老子的思想已经全都包含在《易经》里面了。他用有和无来注解 《道德经》并把它们加入到自己的预言中。 c、关于《道德经》 王弼关于《道德经》的主要思想我们将在下面阐述。

王弼因注解《道德经》而闻名于世，正文是最 基本的，首先是对于《道德经》里面涵盖了中国的学问，然后是翻译成外文传播到西方。在《一个中国 读者：王弼注解并翻译老子》一书里，鲁道夫· 瓦格纳对王弼的文章进行了深入的研究。 新近翻译《道德经》的艾伦· 艾姆斯和戴维· 豪尔，是根据马王堆出土的王弼的补遗稿完成的。马王堆 是汉朝时期靠近长沙附近的一个墓地， 1972 年被发现。 于 从马王堆里出土了两个不完全丝绸版的 《道德 经》 ，现在简称为 A 和 B。根据这些，艾姆斯和豪尔认为他们的译本和《道德经》的意思非常接近。相 反，新近翻译《道德经》的 P,J 伊凡认为，尽管马王堆出土的版本对如何理解和翻译《道德经》某些章 节是有帮助的，但是其与《道德经》基础是想抵触的，这样会改变我们对王弼哲学概念的理解。 王弼对《道德经》的注解分为两本书，八十一章节。最早把《道德经》分成两本书的也是王弼。现 在的版本是在王弼的版本加上后来添加章节构成的，两本书，一本由 1-37 章，称之为“道”部，另一本 3 8-81 章称之为“德”部。第一部与马王堆出土的版本不同之处在于章节的顺序。王弼注解的章节与马王堆 相反，38-81 章为马王堆的 1-37 章。

3、王弼作品的中心思想a、 “语言文字”观点 王弼作品中最实质的是他的语言文字观点。他的观点与《道德经》和《庄子》一致。两部书阐释了 词语文字有时候并不能表达出真理的意思。 《道德经》说：道者王弼简介，无之称也，无形无名者，万物之宗也。 王弼的意思是道隐藏在语言文字的后面。他更是指出，语言总是有其潜在的内涵。他主张语言对玄学是 一种障碍，所以王弼认为读书明理应该忘记语言，也就是超越语言文字或物象等具体的形象。他发现了 支持他观点的道家文章。道家文章中的“无之称也”给了他充分的理由使他坚信他的认识是深刻的。这些 在《易经》和《论语》都曾论述过。 b、 “无为本的观点” 王弼以“无”的概念注解《道德经》 ，把"无"看成是万事万物的本原。他认为道家文章中的“无”是依靠 基本现象类推的：流域、峡谷、碗、门、窗户、水罐和木轴等。他用“无”来解释“道” 在他注解《道德经》 ， 第一句话⑥（充满热情的山谷不会消亡，它是朦胧的女孩） “无”既无形，也无影，它无处不在……..，其 形部可见， “无”既无限。 c、 “一元论”的观点 为了能更清楚的注解“道” 王弼直接用宇宙自然现象进行解释， ， “道” ： ?道生一，一生二，二生三，三 生万物。

另一方面，作为事物的中心，例如木轴， “道”即使“无” 万事万物均由“道”产生。在《道德经》2 ， 5 章说道， “道”为一些事物的起源。 在五十五章节的注解中， 他写道： “道”为事务的起源。 ”他在注解时用词 语“一”来更明确的表达他的观点。汉朝思想家用“一”来参考和识别北极星，王弼则从根本上与去不同王弼简介， 不是用来研究具体的表面事务，也不单单是数字，而是起源。 由各种自然现象得出的“一元论”的观点在王弼注解的《易经》中被重点提出。王弼在其注解中提出 了“无”和“有”的关系， 《周易》是由六个“断开的横” 称之为阴）和六个“横” 称之为阳）的六角形组成。 （ （ 因为在中国古代，人们用这个工具去占卜，而在王弼注解时则把它与外部形象事物联系起来。王弼用语 言文字进一步阐述了六角形的内涵，既一切事物均被六角形包含在内的基本原理。王弼认为六角形中的 一条线为主的时候，其他五条线就便成了为辅。 d、 “无为”的观点 王弼的“圣人”观点揭示了他对“无为”的理解。王弼认为圣人产生首要的就是声望和矛盾。圣人的影 响存在于人们日常生活中， 王弼完成了从自然的思想出发， 因此， 圣人的行为既为“无为” 王弼明确阐述： 。

圣人抱臂位于全山中。其意思是圣人的行为是自然的。圣人皆是如此，不能以价值观念强加于圣人。自 然无心于禀受（无心） ，对生活事务自然反应，没有任何区别。其的意思是圣人应该把欲望抛开，因为它 能使人堕落。严格的说，圣人的“无为”不应该是减少欲望，缺少欲望的表现--虚空或“无” 王弼认为儒家 。7的圣人因为“道”而更加宽广（论语 15.29） 。这种言论为佛教进入中国创造了肥沃的土壤，因此，佛教是 通过“道”逐渐传入中国的。 e、 “自然”的论点 “道”家的自然（自然性）或（自然）被王弼称之为“真” 在王弼注解的《道德经》中，所谓的“德”并 。 不是美德，至少很大程度上不是，而是人们获得的“道” 对王弼来说， 。 “道”自然离开并完成了它的任务。 在王弼看来， “无”即是完成。王弼认为是人们的欲望和行为产生了战乱。如果他们退回到“无为”中的“道” ， “德”作为“自然”既可行。 “德”不是人们的行为、政治和发明。如果统治者采用“无为”那么人民就会顺从， 就能扩大“道”范围，就像儒家所说的（不是指老子） 。4、王弼在中国哲学界的影响王弼的“形而上学”的哲学思想至少在两个方面产生了影响： 首先，自王弼之后，很多思想家开始区分道家的哲学和宗教信仰上的哲学。

一方面，作为道家思想， 开始区分天文地理方面与道家的关系。这个观念始终贯穿于整个中国哲学思想。不幸的是，在道家集团 中，并没有具体实践的行（见凯科兰 2）为。在王弼的注解框架中，他避免采用道家天师的思想。他没 有尝试找出为什么道教在汉朝时候传播的原因。因此，王弼道家类型上的提出不单单是论证上的影响， 但其很多系统上的东西使人产生误解，其方法促进了中国哲学的发掌。 第二，王弼对《道德经》的注解对佛教在中国确立传播过程中指定其教规有很大的影响。最明显的 影响是佛教中的虚空就是采用了中国思想。王弼注解的《道德经》就生产“无”是最终，是“有”的本质。 依靠这些理解玄学，可知《道德经》类推出的虚空。像佛教经文中的“般若” 超人的智慧） （ ，佛经，明确 说明一切皆为虚空，这与王弼的“道”存在着一定关系。由此可知，在中国，很大程度上，或说一定程度 上，佛教和老子都是提倡的“无” 王弼的注解使的中国注解方面变得更加简单。 。8