李光耀死了，想起反殖斗士林福寿医生

　　沉痛悼念新加坡伟大反殖民主斗士——

　　林福寿医生与世长辞！！

　　1.前社阵领袖林福寿逝世

　　2.林福寿医生逝世

　　3.林福寿医生对李光耀政权的血泪控诉(中英对照)

　　4.令人肃然起敬的反殖民主斗士——林福寿医生(中英对照)

　　5.林福寿指责陈庆炎和李光耀

　　6.林福寿起诉《新加坡编年史》主编等人诽谤

　　一、前社阵领袖林福寿逝世

　　(联合早报2012-06-06)

　　林福寿医生在1963年2月2日的“冷藏行动”中遭扣留，1978年被转移到德光岛受限制居留，成为岛上唯一的医生。他在1982年9月获释后回返本岛，重新回到人民药房工作。

　　谢燕燕　陈能端　报道

　　[email protected]

　　[email protected]

　　前社会主义阵线领袖林福寿医生前晚因心脏病与世长辞，享年81。林医生是上世纪五六十年代本地著名左翼人士，曾于1963年的“冷藏行动”中被逮捕，被囚禁将近20年。

　　他遗下妻子陈宗孟医生(80岁)、儿子林毓文(50岁)、儿媳妇和一名17岁孙子。陈宗孟医生是肾脏专科医生，林毓文是国大高级行政人员。

　　林福寿医生1931年2月出生在一个贫苦大家庭，父亲是竹脚巴刹的一名鱼贩，家中共有10名孩子，他排行老三。

　　参与筹建人民行动党

　　早年毕业于莱佛士书院和马来亚大学的林医生，是马来亚大学社会主义俱乐部(University Socialist Club)创办人之一，也当过学生理事会主席。

　　1954年5月，马大社会主义俱乐部刊物《华惹》(Fajar)编辑部被控煽动罪，林福寿成为《华惹》辩护基金会主席，并在那时候认识了担任辩护律师的建国总理李光耀。人民行动党1954年11月创立时，林福寿曾参与筹建工作，但在1958年被开除党籍。

　　林医生大学毕业后曾在陈笃生医院工作数年，之后创立私人诊所人民药房。他在1961年加入社会主义阵线，并当选为社阵中委。

　　他在1963年2月2日的“冷藏行动”中遭扣留，1978年被转移到德光岛受限制居留，成为岛上唯一医生。他在1982年9月获释后回返本岛，重新回到人民药房工作。

　　晚年患有肾病的林医生九天前在家中摔倒后被送入百汇东岸医院(Parkway East Hospital)。他前晚10时30分左右，因心脏病发作与世长辞，和他结婚超过半个世纪的妻子陈宗孟医生一直守在他身边。

　　陈医生受访时说，直到一个月前，只要健康许可，林医生都会如常到位于马里士他路的人民药房上班。患有高血压的林医生曾于1989年切除一个肾脏，原因是患上肾癌。剩下的肾脏后来因衰竭需定期洗肾。

　　林医生的灵堂设在如切台住家，遗体将在星期五出殡，并于当天下午3时在光明山火化。

　　1963年在监牢认识林福寿医生的林清如形容他是位无私、乐于助人、理念坚定的人，被牢友视为楷模。林清如说：“他虽然是纯受英文教育者，却和受华文教育者毫无隔阂。他有一个宽大的胸怀，为人乐观与幽默，是非分明，散播的是友情，不是仇恨，他没有个人敌人。”

　　林清如还说他具备了作为政治领袖、社会改革者应有的才华和优良品质，并为捍卫自身理念与尊严付出巨大代价。

　　另一位前社阵领袖傅树楷医生接受本报电话访问时说：“我们在一起很多年，他曾那么坚定地捍卫民主与人权，一生坚守信念。”

　　早期左翼人士方水双(81岁)形容林福寿医生是一位非常善良和有爱心的医生，遇到家境贫困的病人就不收费或收得很少。林医生是他的家庭医生，他还说林医生有坚定信念，从学生时代就开始为自己的信念奉献一生。

　　林福寿医生的老同学林少明医生则表示，新加坡失去一位重要的政治领袖，并说林医生在帮助穷人方面不遗余力。

　　兴艺画廊艺术顾问谢声远则说，林医生在20年前开始寄情于绘画，喜欢收藏水墨画、油画和雕塑，还和太太一起去学绘画。他也喜欢约朋友一起旅行和游山玩水。

　　历史研究者林增如：

　　愿为理想牺牲的英校生

　　因研究历史而与林福寿医生有所接触的本地历史研究者林增如说：“林医生是为新加坡争取独立那一代人中的巨人，他虽不曾进入国会，却在人民行动党和社阵的创立过程中扮演重要角色。他和去年6月逝世的陈仁贵一样，是愿意为理想而牺牲自己的早期英校生。”

　　林福寿医生马来亚的争夺战--现代化的纠结》(The University Socialist Club and the Contest for Malaya - Tangled Strands of Modernity)刚刚出版。

　　昨晚有不少早期左翼人士、林医生亲友及同学到他灵堂吊唁。

　　二、林福寿医生逝世

　　06/06/12

　　作者/来源：光华日报 http://www.kwongwah.com.my

　　(新加坡5日讯)上世纪五六十年代新加坡左派政治人物林福寿医生，摔倒入院8天后去世，享年81岁。

　　入院8天后不治

　　他的媳妇指出，林福寿医生上月26日(星期六)晚上在住家摔倒，入院8天后，周一晚在东海岸医院不治身亡。

　　他的灵堂设在如切台135号的住家，公众可从今晚开始去吊唁。他的遗体将在周五出殡，下午3时在光明山火化。

　　林医生的夫人陈孟端也是专科医生。两人的儿子毕业于剑桥大学经济系。

　　分类题材: 人物_biogphy, 政治_politics

　　《新加坡文献馆》

　　三、新加坡文献馆全文刊登林福寿医生

　　对李光耀政权的血泪控诉

　　(中英对照)

　　“近来你们经常听到有人说当你年青时你是个理想主义者，当你年长后你是个现实主义者。这些都是胡说八道的垃圾废话，是那些要不是己经失去理想，就是那些已经把理想出卖了的自私自利者。……

　　“一个生命如果没有了信念，没有了理想主义，那只是一个毫无意义的生存，而我相信你们中的许多人会同意，一个人的生命意义要远比这种情况来得更精彩。”——林福寿

　　1963年2月2日的冷藏行动中被无理逮捕和关押了近20年，获释后又沉默了20多年的新加坡反殖民主斗士林福寿医生，终于在去年11月14日一个新书推介会上，对李光耀政权对他本人以及所有的反殖爱国民主斗士进行的残酷迫害以及非人折磨和虐待发出了有力的控诉。

　　无可辩驳的事实证明，李光耀对新加坡争取独立民主反殖人士和左派运动的镇压和迫害，比起其殖民主子要厉害得多，残酷得多，而且做起来是“越来越厚颜无耻”了。

　　无可辩驳的事实同时也证明，所谓新加坡的左派运动和社阵的失败和没落，是1966年后受毛主义和“文革”影响造成的，所谓(李光耀的人民行动党)在左派退出历史舞台的过程中没有欠下一笔血债，……没有一起肉体折磨的案例，……所有案例都依法解决……等等论调，实在不堪一驳。

　　很明显，说这些话的所谓学者，不是真的想研究新加坡的左派运动和社阵的历史，也不是真的想研究新加坡的政党活动，以及李光耀及其人民行动党如何爬上台，如何维持其统治地位，如何推行其政治经济文化和外交政策的。

　　他们本是依附于西方国家，靠其基金培养，在美国活动或大学任教，以诬蔑、诋毁中国人民的伟大领袖毛泽东和打倒共产党为己任的《北京之春》反共人士。

　　难怪这些所谓学者一方面企图通过他们的学术研究来诋毁辱骂毛泽东和毛泽东思想，丑化文化大革命，另一方面，则是企图通过他们的学术研究来为李光耀及其人民行动党上台五十多年间镇压和迫害反殖爱国民主人士的累累罪行，涂脂抹粉，甚至不惜以偏概全，指鹿为马，颠倒黑白了。

　　读者如若不信，不妨上互联网站查找这些所谓学者的“学术研究成果”来看一看究竟是什么货色，不妨对比一下林福寿医生这篇血泪控诉，以及《乌有之乡》刊载过的有关他的战友赛扎哈利、傅树介、陈蒙鹤等文章里揭露的事实真相。

　　以下是刊登于2010年8月7日新加坡文献馆的《林福寿医生演说稿全文》：

　　林福寿医生演说稿全文

　　07/08/10

　　作者/来源：林福寿医生 http://barnyardchorus.blogspot.com

　　新加坡文献馆译

　　前言：2009年11月14日，林福寿医生在一个新书发布会上演说，这是他在获释多年后的首次公开谈话。这一天，恰巧是美国总统奥巴马到访新加坡出度(席)亚太经合组织首脑会议。

　　演说稿全文：

　　我对这本书所作出的贡献是不多的。因为我的健康欠佳，我的体力局限了我的写作。这些主要是我在1972年期间即被囚禁9年后所发表过的声明书。

　　我们都知道，我是在1963年2月2日在一场冷藏行动中被逮捕，我是在近20年囚禁之后被释放，是当年遭逮捕众人中的最后一名获释者。这些声明主要是表白我对被囚禁事件的观感立场。

　　在经过了9年的囚禁后，他们要我发表一篇声明书，首先，要表达支持所谓的新加坡民主体制，其二，要表示放弃从事政治。我告诉他们，这两个要求是相互矛盾的，因为如果确实是有国会民主，我就没有必为要放弃政治话动。他们于是说：‘你必须讲一些悔悟的话，要不然李光耀会很没有面子。’

　　对我而言，这并非是一个自尊的问题，而是一个原则的问题。

　　首先，如果一个人是为了要挽救自己的面子而去剥夺其他人的基本权力，那么，这个面子是不值得去挽救的。要知道，最主要的民主权力就是新加坡人的基本宪法权力。任何人的这一个权力都不能够被剥夺，然后向他勒索去敲诈一份表示悔悟和忏悔的声明书。这整个事件为的是要发表一份悔过声明书，我断然拒绝这个要求。

　　之后，声明书事件的过后，我又被囚禁了另外的近10个年头。因此，总共是19年又8个月，这远比一个无期徒刑来得更长。无期徒刑犯获得1/3减刑后，在囚禁13年后获释。但是，我是在没有罪状，没有法庭审讯的情况下却要遭受比无期徒刑犯更长的囚禁。

　　最近有一些杂七杂八的有关政治拘留人士有权向咨询委员会进行上诉的言论。我要告诉你们我的一些有关这个咨询委员会的经验。

　　在囚禁了约1年过后，在一个下午的4点钟，我被召唤到监狱的大门，那儿有一份通告告示我会在隔天出庭会见咨询委员会，他们给了我两张全页的所谓罪状单。我告诉他们我要保留这些罪状单以便我在明天出庭时使用。他们说：‘不行，你不可以保留它，在你读完后我们要把它收回’。

　　我告诉他们我要把这件事通知我的律师，他们说，‘不可以，你有权力去通知你的律师，但是你现在不可以打电话给他’，我回应说：‘这样的话，我要如何去通知我的律师?’他说：‘这就是法律’。

　　于是第二天早上我被拷上手铐带往最高法庭出席由三人组成咨询委员会的开庭听审。一名法官，他是Judge Winslow以及另外两人。一人是一位叫什么Elias的，我猜想他是名律师，以及另一名华人绅士，但我忘了他的名字叫什么。

　　看看这些所谓的罪状单，上面有着许多空空的留白，我问Judge Winslow这些留白有着什么的意识(思)?他说：‘唉呀，这些就是罪状，由于这些都是非常敏感的内容，所以只可以让咨询委员会知道，但你不可以知道’。

　　我说：‘天底下岂有这样的事，不知道自己的罪状又如何去进行辩护?’，我向他请教如何是好，他耸耸肩膀要说话，我于是质问：‘这岂不是在开司法的玩笑’。他回应说：‘这就是法律’。

　　你看，整个事件就是一场司法闹剧。我的意识(思)是，这真是令人难以置信的，竟然会有人见证了这般的对所谓的司法进行嘲弄。在现实上，把一名高等法院的法官摆上咨询委员会的主席位置，会给于公众一种印象，以为这是一种判决，里头有着公平正义。我于是告诉他，如果我是名高院法官，我是不会为了让人信服这种嘲弄场合而出席。

　　然后，这名Elias警告我说这是蔑视法庭的尊严。我对蔑视法庭的说法感到高兴，因为我已经被囚禁在牢房里，这种告诫对我而言是没有什么分别的。

　　顺便一提，在我的20年囚禁生活里，我曾被关押在新加坡各处的全部牢房里，除了归女监狱之外。

　　结果，那位法官说，‘不必，不必，让这位医生说他想要说的话，这里头并没有蔑视法庭的一回事’。于是我用了3个小时的时间逐一的对全部的所谓罪状提出反驳。其中一条罪状是虚构的，我被指控为8名华惹诽谤事件的学生之一，我说：‘真实的情况是，我并没有身为这8位学生之一的殊荣，事实上，我觉得能够被看成是当中一员就是件值得荣幸之事，但是，我并非8人中的一人。当时这8名学生在无答辩情况下获得无罪释放，而其辩护律师就是李光耀本人，他不就是如今囚禁我的那一个人?’

　　他说：‘这就是法律。’

　　所有的一切都是法律。

　　你们最近常听到所谓的依法执法。看看现时的内部安全法令，这条法令是在嘲讽依法执法的概念。这条法令是在依法执法的范畴之外。一旦你在内部安全法令下被拘捕，你就完全无法寻求任何法律上的庇护。

　　我曾两次尝试寻求人身保护令的庇护。其中一回是由于政府的错误让我从技术上取得了胜利 – 他们并没有签署我的拘捕令。这文件原本应该是由部长签署，但却让一名公务员去代签。因此，在这一回里头法庭因为技术性错误而释放我。当我获释时，内政部在女皇镇的监狱门口等候着我。我在获释后的一分钟又再遭到逮捕。这是一个开玩笑的释放。为了这件人身保护令的事，我遭受到惩罚，把我关进所有囚禁中心里最声名狼藉的囚禁所，中央警署的总部。

　　这个地方根本不适合即便是用来关畜生，更何况是人类。这个地方很阴深，臭气熏天，严重缺乏空气流通，人在里头很难呆过24个小时，但是，我却每天24个小时的被关押在里边。这个地方到处是爬虫，我有许许多多的爬虫相伴，没有阅读的书籍，其光线阴暗到我无法看见我手上的纹理。于是我们5个人进行绝食，我因溃疡出血而被转送医院。那里是有着所谓的人身保护令，可以冒险的去尝试使用它，你会遭受严峻的惩罚。

　　我第二次尝试人身保护令是当他们要强迫我去从事手工粗活。那时是1972年。他们说所有拘留者都必须去干体力劳工，这是改过自新的训练计划之一。我被指派从事木工，那位警监告诉我说，这样做会对身位(为)医生的你有益，你的手会变得更为敏捷。于是，我回应：‘你没有进入一所医学院的资格，而你现在却是在告诉一名医生，什么样的毕业后专业训练会对他有益。你是否太过高估了你自己的能耐?他说：‘这就是法律，你每天必须获得8分钱的酬劳。’于是我们进行了绝食，我们群中的一些人进行了3个月的绝食，为的是要挫折他们把我们当成刑事罪犯去进行劳改。我在进行了3个星期的绝食行动后，他们进来对我说，‘那好吧，我们免除你的劳改。’

　　那一群囚禁在明月弯的女性拘留者进行了130天的绝食，她们遭受强迫喂食。她们当中有些人被用吸管抽入食道喂奶后引发呕吐。警监下令狱警把一位呕吐后女拘留者抬走，并用她的裤子去拖地。就是用这样的方法去对待拘留者。当然的，这些都遭到报章的隐瞒掩盖，但是这些就是我们的遭遇和经历。

　　我们都经历过单独囚禁。根据李光耀本人的说法，单独囚禁是一种最恶劣的酷刑。让我向你们读出李光耀所说的有关单独囚禁‘给予一个人的最大惩罚是完全隔绝在地牢里，阴暗，完全没有任何的生命激励因素。这是一个真实的酷刑。’李光耀，2008年1月。

　　虽然他知道这是一种真实的酷刑，他毫不感到负疚的对所有的拘留者使用这种真实的酷刑，无一幸免。我们都要经历这种真实的酷刑，并非只是一天，两天，而是6个月。要知道，在法令下，是有一定的保护即使是对刑事罪犯行使这种酷刑。一个刑事犯一旦违反了监狱的条例会遭受到单独囚禁，但为期不可长于2个星期，因为这将会带来严重的精神健康上的损伤。然而，对政治拘留者而言，他们並不受到保护。

　　那位李有成，南洋商报的总经理，被单独囚禁，不是一次而是两次，他坚强的挨过了这些真实的酷刑。T T 拉惹，一名律师，他被囚禁两年半，其中两次单独囚禁6个月。赛、扎哈利的17年囚禁里共经历4次的单独囚禁。我们都引以为荣，我们虽然面对千辛万苦的艰难，我们没有退缩。我们站稳我们的立场，我们保住了自已的尊严。

　　今天，他们呼吁我们要有雅量。宽宏大量是什么意思?只有那些经历过苦难折磨，才可享有道德的权利，道德的地位去展现雅量风范，不是那群犯错者。做错事的人要寻求宽恕，如果他们承认犯错，就要道歉。並不是由酷刑下的受害者去乞求宽恕。我们是那群具有雅量风范的人，我们可以宽宏大量，如果犯错者承认错失，并且寻求宽恕。

　　1972年我通过妻子Beatrice Chen发表了一份声明书，当然的，报章都压抑了这件事，但学生组织却广泛传阅 – 我说正确的解决方法是在没有条件要求的情况下释放我们。无条件释放。此外，你要对我们的长期囚禁作出赔偿并进行道歉。我说我愿意放弃这最后的两项条件，既赔偿和道歉，因为我不相信像李光耀这样自大傲慢的人会轻易的让步。对于无条件释放的一项 – 我们的立场是坚定的。我坚持了立场，为此而遭受了20年的苦难。这就是我为了我们的尊严而付出的代价。

　　在新加坡，我们有一个现象，那就是政府领袖自认有廉正，这廉正是用全世界最高的薪金去支撑，然而，对政治上的异议者和拘留者而言，政府领袖的廉正却是以全世界最长的监狱囚禁去维持。这两种廉正是不同的，就好象天和地的比较。有什么理由需要别人作出如此的牺牲去维护他的廉正与信仰?政府为什么要以如此的高薪去酬劳自已。这是当今新加坡政治现实里的一个不道德层面。

　　看吧，无审讯的囚禁是反和平的行为，这是一祌暴力行为。他们并非在白天的时候礼貌的投帖拜访。他们在凌晨时分的4点钟。这个时段里一般正常的人都在睡眠，但却是政治恐怖分子与独裁者进行勾当的时机。一旦你被逮捕，你就面对各种名样的精神以至于身体上的酷刑。这並非单独发生者(在)1963年的那一批拘留者，这也发生在其他不同时期的拘留者：如1972年，甚至于迟至1987年。当张素兰和她的那一批所谓的马克思主义拘留者也同样面对精神与内体上的刑罚。当这几位女律师在获释后发表了她们遭受虐待的声明书之后，它(他)们又再遭逮捕並被迫收回他们的指责。

　　那门子的依法执法会允许起诉的原告者受到被指控的被告政府的惩罚，还被迫收回他们的指控?这不就是一个上下颠倒的司法体系吗?看啊，对着这样的一种情况，律师公会却连一句话也不敢说。之所以变得如此无能是因为律师公会在1987年遭到了他们的修理。

　　现在，傅树介写了一篇有关冷藏行动的好文章，里边，他揭露了好些从英国档案局解密的文件，展示了英国当局如何与李光耀密谋的共同合作在1963年大选之前摧毁反对党阵营。合并的整个目的就是在1963年大选之前毁灭反对党。

　　到了今天，那个人民行动党要站立在道德的据(制)高点，要求其他国家讲求人权，甚至于向缅甸要求释放他们的政治拘留者。但是，他们究竞有什么可以站立的道德据(制)高点去提出这种要求?翻开他们的过往记录来看，他们所站立着的座墩里头充满了蠕虫和害虫。让他们先去忏悔自已的不光彩人权记录，之后，你或许才会有道德上的权力去坪(抨)击别人缺乏人权。

　　博(傅)树介也撰写了本书的最后一章[华惹一代]，有关社会主义的未来。你们之中必然有人会置疑，在俱乐部成立50年后，社会主义到了现今的年代，还会有什么作为。社会主义运动在世界各地遭受到许多的挫折，甚至于失败，所以有人怀疑这些理论是否还有效用。近期的经济危机，近日的金融风暴都再次的暴露了资本主义的贪腐与不道德行为，人类应该享受一个比由贪婪与腐蚀支撑着的体系，来得更好的体系。

　　近来你们经常听到有人说当你年青时你是个理想主义者，当你年长后你是个现实主义者。这些都是胡说八道的垃圾废话，是那些要不是己经失去理想，就是那些已经把理想出卖了的自私自利者。一个人不应该让他自已的理想与信仰消失掉。不论何种情况，他应该更坚持的去巩固自已的信念。如果这和年龄有关，这只是在表达方式上，对这些理想和信仰有了更多的演绎方式，毕竟他们有经历过青春年少时的种种体会。一个生命如果没有了信念，没有了理想主义，那只是一个毫无意义的生存，而我相信你们中的许多人会同意，一个人的生命意义要远比这种情况来得更精彩。

　　谢谢。

　　原文来源：http://barnyardchorus.blogspot.com/2010/07/transcript-of-dr-lim-hock-siews-speech.html

　　Ex-political prisoner speaks out in Singapore

　　Posted on Youtube, 15 November, 2009.

　　By Singapore Rebel (Martyn See).

　　Video description: Dr Lim Hock Siew is Singapore’s second longest-held political prisoner.

　　From the video:

　　[A founding member of the ruling People’s Action Party, Lim was accused of being a communist and was arrested without trial in 1963, and had his detention prolonged by the then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew until his release in 1982.]

　　[On 14th of Nov 2009, Lim made his first post-detention speech in Singapore during a book launch.]

　　[The day coincided with the arrival of US President Barack Obama in Singapore for the APEC Summit.]

　　My contribution to this book is very modest. Because of my ill-health, I’ve not been able to write too much. It comprises mainly of a statement which I made when I was in prison in 1972, after 9 years of incarceration.

　　As you know, I was detained in Coldstore Operation in February the 2nd 1963, and I was the last one to come out from the batch of detainees almost 20 years later. Now this statement mainly stated my stand on my detention.

　　After 9 years of incarceration, they wanted me to issue a statement to firstly support the so-called democratic system of Singapore, and secondly to renounce politics. I told them that these two demands are self-contradictory, because if there is parliamentary democracy, then I don’t have to give up politics. So they said, “You must say something to show repentance other wise Lee Kuan Yew will lose face.”

　　For me this not a question of pride, it’s a question of principle.

　　In the first place, if a person has to save his face by depriving somebody else of his fundamental rights, then that’s not a face that’s worth saving. So the, the main democratic right is a fundamental constitutional right of the people of Singapore. And no one should be deprived of their right, and held ransom to extort statements of repentance and contrition. So the whole thing bogged down to having to issue a statement of repentance, which I refused.

　　Subsequently, I was detained for another almost 10 years, after that statement was issued. So a total of 19 years and eight months, longer than a life sentence. Life sentences will be released after 13 years, after the initial one-third remission, but for no charge, no trial, I was detained for longer than life sentences.

　　A lot of hullabaloo have been said recently on the right of political detainees to appeal to an Advisory Board. I want to tell you about my experience in this Advisory Board.

　　After about one year of detention, I was asked to the prison main gate at about 4pm, and a statement of notice to say that I had to appear before the Advisory Board the next day, and I was given a two fool-scap paper of so-called charge sheets. I said I wanted to keep these sheets of paper so I could prepare for my next morning’s appearance. They said, “No, you cannot keep it. Just read it and we’ll take it back.”

　　I said I want to inform my lawyer about this. They said, “No, you have the right to inform your lawyer, but you cannot telephone him now.” I said, “In that case, how do I contact my lawyer?” He said, “That’s the law.”

　　So the next morning I was called to the High Court in handcuffs and all that to appear before an Advisory Board comprising three persons. A judge called Judge Winslow and two other persons. One is a certain Elias, I think he’s a lawyer, and the other one a Chinese gentleman whose name I cannot remember.

　　So, on these so-called charge sheets, there were a lot of blank spaces. I asked Judge Winslow what do these blank spaces mean? He said, “Oh, these are charges which are so sensitive that they can be shown only to the Advisory Board but not to you.”

　　I said, “How the hell can anybody defend himself against a charge that’s not even revealed to him?” I asked him for advice, he just said [shrugs shoulder]. I said, “Is this a mockery of justice or what?” He said, “This is the law.”

　　You see, the whole thing is a judicial farce. I mean, it’s incredible that anyone has to face this kind of mockery, this kind of so-called justice, and the fact that a High court judge is being put as the chairman of this Advisory Board gives the public an illusion that there is judgement, there is justice. And I told him that if I were a High court judge, I would not lend credence to this mockery by my presence.

　　Then this Elias threatened me with contempt of court. I was very happy when he with contempt of court, because after all I was already in prison, so threatening me with contempt of court and al that makes no difference to me.

　　By the way, in my 20 years in prison, I was detained in practically all the prisons in Singapore, except of course the female prison.

　　In the end, the judge said, “No, no, let the doctor have his say, there’s no question of contempt of court.” So I gave a three-hour statement to debunk all the so-called charges. One of the charges was in fact a false charge: I was charged for being one of the right Fajar students who were charged for sedition. I said, “ As a matter of fact, I didn’t have the privilege to be one of the eight. In fact, I would be flattered to be one of the eight, and that I was not one of the eight. So why should I be imprisoned for allegedly being one of the eight, when these eight were acquitted without being called, and acquitted and defended by Lee Kuan Yew himself, who is now detaining me?”

　　He said, “This is the law.”

　　Everything is the law.

　　So recently you have heard all this so-called rule of law. Now there is detention without trial by ISA [Internal Security Act], a law which makes a mockery of the concept of rule of law. It is a law that is outside the rule of law. Once you are detained under the ISA, you have no legal defence whatsoever.

　　I tried the habeas corpus twice. On one occasion I succeeded on the technical error on the side of the government—they did not sign my detention order. It was supposed to be signed by a minister, but it was delegated to a civil servant. So on that account the court has to release me on a technical point. So when I was released, there was the Special Branch waiting for me outside Queenstown Prison. I was re-arrested one minute later. It was a mock release. And for that habeas corpus, I was punished and sent to the most hideous of all detention centres, the Central Police Station head office.

　　That was a place that is not fit to keep animals let alone human beings. The place was so dark, so stinky and so ill-ventilated that you cannot stand inside for more than 24 hours, but I was locked in there for 24 hours a day. And the whole place was infested with bugs. I had a lot of bugs for company. No reading material and the light was so dim that I could hardly see the crease of my hand. So immediately the five of us went on hunger strike, and my ulcer bled and I had to be transferred to hospital. That was the so-called habeas corpus right there you have. Try it at your risk, or be severely punished.

　　The second time I went for habeas corpus case was when they tried to force me to do manual labour. That was in 1972. They said all detainees should do manual labour as a programme of rehabilitation. I was supposed to do carpentry. So this superintendent told me that it was good for you as a doctor, you try to become more dexterous with your hand. So I said, “You do not have the qualifications to enter a medical college, and here you are telling a doctor what is good for post-graduate education. Are you over-reaching yourself?” He said, “This is the law. You have to be paid 8 cents a day.” So we all went on hunger strike, and some of us went on hunger strike for three months in order to frustrate their attempt to make us labourers like criminals. I went on hunger strike for three weeks before they came in and said, “Okay, we exempt you from that.”

　　And the women detainees in Moon Crescent Centre went on hunger strike for 130 days, and they were forced-fed. Some of them vomited after being fed milk by the tube inserted forcefully into their oesophagus. One girl vomited and the superintendent forced for wardens to carry her and wiped the floor with her pants. This is the kind of treatment meted to detainees. All these of course suppressed by the press, but this is the thing we all had to go through.

　　Now all of us had to go through detention in solitary confinement. Solitary confinement according to Lee Kuan Yew himself is a very bad form of torture. I will read to you what Lee Kuan Yew said of solitary confinement: “The biggest punishment a man can receive is total isolation in a dungeon, black and complete withdrawal of all stimuli. That is real torture.” Lee Kuan Yew, January 2008.

　　Although he knows it is real torture, he had no compunction in meting out this real torture to all detainees without exception. Some of us had to undergo this real torture, not for one day, two days, but for six months. Now under the law, there is a protection for even criminal prisoners from this kind of torture. A criminal prisoner when found guilty of infringing prison rules will be sentenced to solitary confinement for not more than two weeks, because of the obvious mental health effects. But for political detainees, there is no protection.

　　And Lee Eu Seng, the general manager of Nanyang Zhao Pao, was put into solitary confinement not once but twice, and it is to his credit he withstood that kind of real torture. TT Rajah, a lawyer who was detained for two and half years, was put under solitary confinement for six months. Twice. Said Zahari was put into solitary confinement four times in his long 17 years of detention. It is to our credit that we did not back down despite our difficult ordeal. We stood our ground and held on to our integrity.

　　Today, they are asking us to be magnanimous. What does magnanimity mean? Only those who have suffered have the moral right, the moral standing to be magnanimous, not the culprit. The culprit can seek forgiveness, if they admit their mistakes and apologise for it. Not for the victims of this torture to seek forgiveness. We are the ones who have to be magnanimous, and we are prepared to be magnanimous provided the culprits admit their mistakes and seek our forgiveness.

　　In my statement which I released to the press in 1972, through my wife Beatrice Chen, and which was of course suppressed by the newspapers, but was distributed a lot to all student organisations—I said the proper way to settle our case is that you must release us without conditions. Unconditional release. Moreover, you must compensate us for our long detention and also apologise. I said I’m prepared to forgo these two last conditions of having to compensate us and also having to apologise to us because I don’t believe an arrogant man like Lee Kuan Yew would concede easily. On that question of release unconditionally—that we stand firm, I stood firm and had to suffer for two decades. That is the price that we had to pay for our integrity.

　　In Singapore, we have a situation where the government leaders said they have integrity that has to be sustained by the highest pay in the world, but yet they demand from political opponents and detainees an integrity that has to be sustained by the longest imprisonment in the world. This kind of two types of integrity, to compare them is to compare heaven and earth. Why should anybody has to sacrifice so much just to sustain his integrity and his beliefs? And the government have to reward themselves with so much high pay. This is the immorality of the political situation in Singapore today.

　　Now, detention without trial is not a peaceful action. It is an act of violence. They come to see you not in the daylight with an invitation card. They come in the morning, 4am. That is the time when decent people sleep, and when political terrorists and tyrants strike. And when you are detained, you are subjected to all kinds of mental and even physical torture. This is not only unique for the 1963 batch, it was also practised in many other batches of detention: 1972, and as late as 1987. When Teo Soh Lung and her group of so-called marxist detainees were subjected to mental and physical torture. … And women lawyers can be subjected to torture. But when these women lawyers came out and issued a statement to describe how they have been tortured, they were again detained and compelled to withdraw their accusation.

　　What type of rule of law is that when the accuser can be punished by the accused against the government, and compelled to withdraw their accusation? Is it not a rule of law justice turned upside down? Now this is a situation where even the Law Society dare not utter a word of protest. They are so impotent after what they had done to the Law Society in 1987.

　　Now, Poo Soo Kai has written a very good article on Operation Coldstore. In it, he has revealed a lot of declassified British archive documents, showing how the British and Lee Kuan Yew conspired and collaborated to crush the opposition before the 1963 General Elections. The whole aim of this merger was to crush the opposition before the 1963 elections.

　　And today, the PAP is standing on high moral ground, demanding human rights in other countries, even demanding the realise of political detainees in Myanmar. But precisely on what moral ground are they standing to have this demand? In examining their past records, they are standing on a pedestal that is leaking with worms and vermin, Let them repent first their own dismal record of human rights and then you may have the moral right to cast aspersions on other people’s lack of human rights.

　　Poh Soo Kai has also written the last chapter of this book [The Fajar Generation], about the future of Socialism. Many of you may ponder what is the relevance of Socialism in this era. after 50 years when the club was formed, Socialist movements all over the world has suffered a lot of setbacks and even defeats, and some wonder whether we are still relevant. The recent economic crisis, the recent financial crisis, has once again exploded the corruption and immorality of the capitalist system, and feel that human beings should deserve something better than a system that is generated by green and by corruption.

　　Now some of you may have heard that when you are young you are idealistic, when you’re old you are realistic. Now this is the kind of rubbish that is used by those who have either lost their ideals or have sold their ideals for self-interests. Each should not wither one’s ideals or convictions. If anything, it should only consolidate and make it more resolute. If age has anything to do with it, it is only by way of expression and application of these ideals and convictions having the benefit of a youthful experience. And a life without convictions, without idealism, is a mere meaningless existence, and I’m sure most of you will agree that as human beings, we are worthy of a life much more meaningful than just that.

　　Thank you.

　　[Dr Lim Hock Siew is currently 78 years and is a retired physician.

　　[He remains a staunch socialist.]

　　[Lee Kuan Yew remains in political office, and now holds the title of Minister Mentor.]

　　分类题材: 政治_politics, 历史_history

　　《新加坡文献馆》

　　四、令人肃然起敬的新加坡反殖民主斗士—林福寿医生

　　编辑：张 泰 永

　　对于许多读者来说，林福寿这个名字，比起林清祥、傅树楷(介)等活跃于1950—1960年代新加坡反殖争取独立运动的著名人物来说，可能会较为陌生。

　　不过，事实上，林福寿医生在1940年代的中学时期，就在新加坡著名的莱佛士书院接受英文教育，并成为该校著名校刊《Rafflesian》和各中学联合出版的杂志《Youth》的主编。同学们都知道他是一名很有领导才能的作家和演说家。

　　1950年初进入马来亚大学念医科时起，就与一批敢于反抗英殖民统治的优秀的印族、马族和华族同学如傅树楷等，创立马大社会主义俱乐部，并成为马大社会主义俱乐部六君子之一，积极参与学生会的政治活动。

　　1954年11月，他曾参与人民行动党筹建工作。1957年毕业后，加入政府医药服务部门工作。1961年辞去这个工作，加入与李光耀的人民行动党唱对台戏的社会主义阵线，成为阵线的中央委员之一，以及党报英文版《The Plebian》的编辑。

　　1963年2月2日，李光耀在臭名昭著的“冷藏行动”中，把包括他以及社阵主要领导人林清祥、傅树楷等在内的100多名反殖爱国民主人士，以莫须有罪名逮捕入狱。从此，林福寿医生不经审讯被李光耀政权无理关押在大牢里，历经种种苦难和折磨。

　　在狱中，李光耀曾妄图通过各种手段要他低头屈服，发表声明，为李光耀解脱罪行，但都失败了，最后被迫于1982年9月才把他释放。前后关押了20年，关押时间之长，仅次于关押了32年的谢太宝。

　　从那时起一直到最近，时间又过了28年，林福寿医生有冤无处诉，有苦吐不出，一直沉默、沉默、再沉默!幸好，近期新加坡还有一名摄影工作者施忠明，给他拍摄了一部政治短片，一部据说是既没有吓走外资，也没有鼓动群众起义非常温和的短片。然而，就是这样一部短片，却令李光耀政权紧张万分，非加以封杀不可。由此可见，李光耀及其政权的神经脆弱到何等地步。

　　以下是一名新加坡有正义感的人士对令人肃然起敬的林福寿医生的评语：

　　“林福寿医生或许是亦或许不是一名圣人，但是，他必定是一名很了不起的君子。他被人冷藏了20年之后，他又静悄悄的活了28年。然而，他在新书发布会上的演说，还是引发了足够的焦虑以至于要禁止那套录影片。”

　　(有关林福寿医生的更多资料，请参阅本站刊载的《世纪大冤狱之一》)

　　林福寿医生

　　(中英对照)22/07/10

　　作者/来源：Dr Wong Wee Nam http://www.sgpolitics.net

　　新加坡文献馆译

　　“当你还未完全剥夺一切，你可以用权力控制人民。但是当你完全抢夺了一个人所拥有的一切，他就再也不受你控制 – 他已经重获自由。”

　　–亚历山大 索尔仁尼琴 ( Alexander Solzhenitsyn )

　　林福寿医生

　　2002年7月在已故李绍祖医生的守灵之夜，我第一次遇见他。这时已经是他获得释放之后的第20个年头，前此，他被囚禁了近20年之久。我看到坐在另一张桌子边上的一位朋友于是上前向她打个招呼。他正好就坐在旁边，于是她介绍我们认识。

　　那是我首次见到他的面貌长相。

　　我在孩童年纪时就已听说过有关他的事迹。他是我居所左近的一个菜市场里一位著名鱼贩的儿子。他的父亲之所以出名是因为他有一个很聪明的儿子。在那年代的穷人群里很难会有做医生的儿女。

　　我在孩童时知道他也是因为他是名医生。他的医务诊所不单为有困难者提供免费的医疗，也使用真材实料的药剂。他甚至于会给予他们回家的车费。这不足为奇，他相信疾病并不是单纯的由于人体缺乏铁质而是因为贫穷。

　　我没有认出他是谁，这是情有可原的，那是因为他的照片从未在报章上刊登或出现在电视上。当他被囚禁时没有任何有关他的状况报导，他在释放后亦没有任何相关的消息。

　　虽然面对新闻上的封锁，以及他本身的低调姿态，他依然是政治界的传奇人物，他是续谢太宝之后的第二位最长期拘留者。因此，在将他介绍给我认识的当儿，我的反应是极其的兴奋，并夹带着惊奇和不安。

　　他以十分温和与友善的语调使我安静下来，问我是否就是那位给报纸写信的书写者。他的诚恳与谦虚让我感动。

　　之后，我偶而在一些医学会议与讲座上见到他。我们只是打个招呼相互问好，从来没有谈论时事。他告诉我他在我的博客上阅读了我的文章，但他从未尝试和我就这些议题进行讨论。到了人生的这个阶段，我认为他已经跨越了这些世俗。

　　很不平常的，在我和他的会面中他从来没有，即便仅仅一次，表现出任何的怀恨抱怨，那些剥夺了他生命中最宝贵的20年人生，不论是对他们中的任何一个人或者机构。

　　1963年他遭逮捕因为他被视为是一名危害新加坡治安的人物。要被关押在监狱里20年，他在被捕前的生活必然是那么样的多姿多彩，或者至少会等同那位默.沙勒末。然而，在我翻阅了许多有关那个年代的书本后(包括他当年的同志所撰写的)，只找到很少的有提及到他的事项。

　　必然的，作为一名危害治安而要遭受20年长期囚禁者，必定会有许许多多的公开档案记载着他的种种活动，足以让电影导演去拍摄相当长度的政治悬疑剧。或许，有那么的一天，档案局可以让我们知道他干过那些勾当，如果有这些活动的话。

　　最近，在《华惹那一代》新书发布会上，电影制片人施忠明录制了他的演说，并在YouTube上播放。这个记录片如今已经被禁播。不可能是因为影片危害了治安而遭禁止。那段演说并不激烈，里边没有谴责政府的气愤言词，没有鼓动暴力，没有呼吁武力对抗，没有呼吁推翻任何人，也没有呼吁团结鼓舞听众起义。诚然，这远比竞选群众大会还要来得更为温和。

　　在这段影片制作和播放后的好几个月里，并没有投资者因为治安而从新加坡撤资，事实上，经济出现了复苏回弹。然而，在无法解释的情况下，禁止了这套录像影片。

　　或许这其中是有个原因的。这套影片很可能会改变人民对林福寿医生的印象。他给人的感觉是一个稳重和有尊严的人。没有展示任何愤慨和怀恨之心。他的智慧完好无损，他有着清醒的思维。在柔弱的身躯里包裹着一个坚强的个性。他看来慈祥，具父辈的形象，这个形体很难让人把他当成是一个有能力拍打苍蝇或者打死蚊子，更何况会伤害另一个人类生命。在一个谦逊君子的外表下人民可以感觉到那是一个不屈不挠的无比勇敢者。

　　观看他的演说让我回想起庄子《秋水》里的一篇寓言故事。

　　孔子在周游列国时，宋国的军队把他团团围住。但是他还是继续高歌和弹奏琵琶，无视眼前的困境。子路，他的弟子问道：夫子，为何你还是玩得如此的快乐?

　　孔子回答说：长久以来，我一直尝试避开困难但皆失败了。这是因为命运的缘故。我亦努力去取得成就但亦失败了，这是由于时代的因素。

　　“在尧舜时代，那时没有困难，这无关乎一个人的智慧。在桀王与纣王时代，人们没有获得成功并非因为没有智慧。那是由于受制于年代和环境。”

　　“要穿越河川而不惧怕海上蛟龙需要有渔夫的胆量。在陆上行走而不惧怕老虎猛兽需要有猎人的勇气。面对锋芒的利刃而不惧怕死亡需要有烈士的豪气。”

　　“体会困境是命运的安排，而成功则是时间的恰当安排，在面对巨大的困难时毫不恐惧或胆怯就需要有圣人之勇。

　　知穷之有命，知通之有时，临大难而不惧者，圣人之勇也。

　　林福寿医生或许是亦或许不是一名圣人，但是，他必定是一名很了不起的君子。他被人冷藏了20年之后，他又静悄悄的活了28年。然而，他在新书发布会上的演说，还是引发了足够的焦虑以至于要禁止那套录影片。

　　那真是匪夷所思!

　　文章来源：http://www.sgpolitics.net/?p=4214

　　Dr Lim Hock Siew

　　By Dr Wong Wee Nam

　　20 July 2010

　　“You only have power over people so long as you don’t take everything away from them. But when you’ve robbed a man of everything, he’s no longer in your power — he’s free again.”

　　– Alexander Solzhenitsyn

　　I first met him at the wake of the late Dr Lee Siew Choh in July 2002. That was 20 years after he was released from an almost 20-year detention. I saw a friend sitting at another table and went up to say “hello” to her. He happened to be sitting at the same table and she introduced us.

　　That was the first time I saw how he looked like.

　　I have heard of him when I was a young boy. He was the son of a famous fishmonger in the market where I had lived. The father was famous because he had a clever son. Not a lot of poor people then had children who are doctors.

　　I also heard of him as a young boy because of his reputation as a doctor. Not only did his clinic dispense free medicine for the needy and the real indigent, he also gave them transport money to go home. This is not surprising from a doctor who believes that the most common cause of anemia is not iron deficiency but poverty.

　　It was understandable that I did not recognize him. After all, his pictures had never been splashed in the newspapers or over the TV. Nothing much was heard about him when he was incarcerated and nothing was seen or heard after his release.

　　In spite of the news blackout and the low profile he has kept, he is still a political legend, being the second longest political detainee after Chia Thye Poh. Therefore, my reaction was one of excitement mixed with surprise and discomfort when he was introduced to me.

　　He put me totally at ease when he asked in a very soft and friendly voice if I was the same one who wrote letters to the press. I was humbled by his sincerity and modesty.

　　Subsequently, I met him occasionally at medical seminars and talks. We only exchanged some pleasant words and never discussed current affairs. He told me he read my articles on the blogs but never did he once try to engage me on those topics. At this stage of his life, I suppose he had transcended all these concerns.

　　Remarkably, in my encounters with him not once had he expressed any hatred for anyone or any organization for having deprived him of 20 years of the prime of his life.

　　In 1963, he was arrested because he was deemed a security threat to the interests of Singapore. To be kept in prison for 20 years, he must have had a pre-detention life that is more colourful or at least equal to that of Mas Selamat.

　　Yet, when I looked up as many books (even books written by his ex-comrades) as I could on the era, I could find very little mention on him. Surely a security threat who warranted 20 years of detention would have enough open records of his activities for any movie director to make an equal number of political thrillers. Maybe one day the archives will let us know of his clandestine activities, if any.

　　Recently at a launch of the book The Fajar Generation, he made a speech. Martyn See, the filmmaker, recorded the speech and put it on Youtube. The video is now banned. It cannot be for security reason that the video is banned. The speech was not fiery, there was no angry condemnation of government, no incitement to violence, no call to arms, no cry to overthrow anyone and no rousing appeal to unite and rally the audience for a cause. Indeed the speech was milder than any election rally speech by a mile.

　　For months after the speech was made and aired, no investors pulled out of Singapore for security concerns and in fact, the economy recovered. Yet for inexplicable reason, the video was banned.

　　Perhaps there is a reason. The video is in danger of changing people’s perception of Dr Lim Hock Siew. He comes off as a very calm and dignified person. There is no anger or bitterness. His intellect is intact and his mind is very clear. Beneath the frail frame is a man with strength of character. He looks so kind and fatherly that one wouldn’t see him as capable of slapping a fly or killing a mosquito, let alone hurting a fellow human being. Behind a soft-spoken exterior one can discern a man full of indomitable courage.

　　Watching him talk reminds me of a story written by Zhuang Zi (庄子)in his chapter “Autumn Water” (秋水):

　　When Confucius was traveling in the State of Kuang, he was surrounded by the troops of Sung. Nevertheless, he continued singing and playing his lute, totally unfazed. Zi Lu, his disciple, asked, “Master, why are you enjoying yourself?”

　　Confucius said, “For a long time, I’ve tried to stay out of hardship but failed. This is due to fate. I’ve tried to succeed but failed. This is due to the times.

　　“During the times of Yao or Shun, there was no hardship. This had nothing to do with a person’s wisdom. During the reign of King Jie and King Zhou, people did not achieve success but this was not due to lack of wisdom. It was due to time and circumstance.

　　“To travel across the water and not shrink from the sea serpent or the dragon is to have the courage of a fisherman. To travel on land and not be afraid of the rhinoceros or tiger is to have the courage of a hunter. To meet clashing blades and face death unflinchingly is to have the courage of martyr.

　　“To understand that hardship is a matter of fate and success is a matter of the times; and to able to face enormous difficulties without fear or terror is to have the courage of a sage.”

　　知穷之有命，知通之有时，临大难而不惧者，圣人之勇也。

　　Dr Lim Hock Siew may or may not be a sage but he must be a remarkable man. He was stored away for 20 years and then led a quiet life for the next 28 years. Yet when he made his speech at a book launch, he created enough anxiety for the video to be banned.

　　Truly remarkable!

　　分类题材: 人物_biogphy, 政治_politics

　　《新加坡文献馆》

　　五、林福寿指责陈庆炎和李光耀

　　25/08/11

　　作者/来源：新加坡文献馆

　　在反殖民运动领袖陈仁贵的追悼会讲话中，林福寿医生就政府滥用内部安全法令ISA拘留反对党人士一事，反驳了陈庆炎对ISA的辩护，另外，林福寿也指责李光耀在1961年的政治斗争中向英国殖民政府建议，制造骚动以便终止宪治，从而取消选举。

　　林福寿的ISA讲话是针对陈庆炎，反驳陈如斯在总统选举辩论会上所提出的一些评论。年过80的林福寿是新加坡众多ISA受害者之一，在无审讯的情况下被李光耀政权囚禁了近20年。林福寿是反殖民运动领袖，也是人民行动党的创办人之一。

　　在总统选举辩论会上，陈如斯指出政府使用ISA拘留反对党人士，这当儿，陈庆炎立即插嘴打断陈如斯的讲话。

　　陈庆炎回应说：“当有人说这是用来对付政治对手，我觉得那是一个很严重的指控。你必须能够证实这说法。”然后，陈庆炎讲述了他对ISA的看法，认为政府有必要使用ISA来对付恐怖分子，并且，以最近的挪威集体屠杀为例子。

　　林福寿针对陈庆炎的观点反驳：“我从互联网上听到陈庆炎博士企图把恐怖主义和那些被拘捕人士挂钩。我在此挑战，陈庆炎博士明确的指出，我们是恐怖分子，以便让我们有机会在法庭上控告他诽谤。”

　　还有，“陈庆炎博士是不是在暗示我和傅树介医生，以及其他许多人是恐怖分子?他要不是很无知，就是一个彻头彻尾的说谎者。无论如何，这种说法和他的社会地位完全格格不入。人民行动党一直以来都在使用ISA，对付反对者的合法政治活动，而不是为了国家安全的理由。”

　　在这场政治辩论中，陈庆炎忽略了一个重要的现实，那就是，政府并没有做到他所提出的要求：“一个很严重的指控。你必须能够证实这说法。”

　　诚然，对受害者而言，ISA的指控更为严重，谢太宝博士就是在ISA的无审讯囚禁下失去32年的宝贵自由，对这许多的ISA受害者，李光耀政权提出了什么证据，去证实政府的这种指控?

　　对此，林福寿要求设立一个调查委员会，来彻查政府使用ISA拘捕和囚禁人民行动党的政治竞争对手。

　　林福寿说：“这是很重要的，因为我们的年纪已经很大，而我们希望还会有时间向委员会提供证据。更重要的是，这事件的肇事者李光耀如今还活着，希望他的思维还很清醒，能够为自己进行辩护。”

　　分类题材: 政治_politics,

　　《新加坡文献馆》

　　六、林福寿起诉《新加坡编年史》主编等人诽谤

　　(2011-02-16)

　　郑靖豫报道 来源：联合早报网

　　曾被拘留近20年的前政治犯林福寿医生起诉《1959-2009：新加坡编年史——50年的头条新闻》的主编、出版社和印刷商诽谤，要求辩方赔偿他和不得重复与他有关的不实内容。

　　林福寿医生(80岁)通过周帝律师(R. Joethy)在上周入禀地庭，指《1959-2009：新加坡编年史——50年的头条新闻》(1959-2009: Chronicle of Singapore — Fifty Years of Headline News)收录有关他的不实著述，起诉这本书的主编林廷龙(73岁)、出版商Editions Didier Millet和印刷公司天华印务(Tien Wah Press)诽谤。

　　此外，林福寿医生也指国家图书馆与Editions Didier Millet联合出版此书，所以把它也列为答辩人。

　　林福寿医生早年离开人民行动党后，成为前社会主义阵线的中委。他在1963年2月被政府援引内部安全法令拘留了近20年。

　　根据起诉状，林福寿医生指编年史第77页以“Lim Chin Siong hurt in prison fight”(林清祥在监狱打斗中受伤)为题的文章中与他有关的内容不实，导致他“名誉严重受损”，让他受到伤害、感到痛苦和难堪。

　　林福寿医生和林清祥是好友。后者曾为行动党立法议员，后成为前社会主义阵线领袖。

　　林福寿医生声称，他在1966年曾与媒体就有关上述不实的新闻报道打官司，获得赔偿7000元。

　　新加坡编年史是曾担任《海峡时报》总编辑的林廷龙以新闻报道为基础，从新闻工作者的角度记录过去50年所发生的2270起重大和有意义新闻事件的一本书。这本书在2009年出版，去年再版。

　　林福寿医生在去年12月给四个答辩人发律师信，要求辩方马上和毫无保留地删除与他有关的不实内容、根据他的要求刊登正式的书面道歉、赔偿他的损失和承担他的律师费。

　　索偿额介于6万至25万元

　　起诉状披露，Editions Didier Millet的律师在上个月回应林福寿医生的律师信时曾致歉，可是那达不到林福寿医生的要求。至于其他三个答辩人，被指至今未道歉或提议补偿。

　　林福寿医生因此要求地庭裁定辩方须对他作出赔偿，包括加重性赔偿(aggravated damages)。他没有提出确切的索偿额，但入禀地庭的官司，索偿额介于6万元至25万元。此外，他也申请禁制令，不准答辩人重复该段不实的内容。

　　辩方有八天的时间就起诉作出回应，并在之后14天里提呈抗辩书。

　　本报向Editions Didier Millet询问它是否会答辩，其总经理说他不愿向媒体披露。林廷龙受询时说，因为事件进入司法程序而不得公开评论，所以他不能置评。

　　天华印务则说它身为印刷商，角色是根据指示印刷。此外，它以目前没有其他有关此诉讼的资料为由，所以无法置评。至于国家图书馆，它在截稿时未能来得及回应。