林肯就职演讲稿英文 林肯就职的演讲稿

林肯就职的演讲稿  

林肯就职的演讲稿

林肯最出名的演讲是
《林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲》
林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲:(是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一，用时不到2分钟）
八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这块大陆上创立了一个孕育于自由的新国家。他们主张人人生而平等，并为此献身。
现在我们正进行一场伟大的内战，这是一场检验这一国家或者任何一个像我们这样孕育于自由并信守其主张的国家是否能长久存在的战争。我们聚集在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上，将这个战场上的一块土地奉献给那些在此地为了这个国家的生存而牺牲了自己生命的人，作为他们的最终安息之所。我们这样做是完全适当和正确的。可是，从更广的意义上说，我们并不能奉献这块土地——我们不能使之神圣
——我们也不能使之光荣。因为那些在此地奋战过的勇士们，不论是还活着的或是已死去的，已经使这块土地神圣了，远非我们微薄的力量所能予以增减的。世人将不大会注意，更不会长久记住我们在这里所说的话，然而，他们将永远不会忘记这些勇士在这里所做的事。相反地，我们活着的人，应该献身于勇士们未竞的工作，那些曾在此地战斗过的人们已经把这项工作英勇地向前推进了。我们应该献身于留在我们面前的伟大任务——由于他们的光荣牺牲，我们会更加献身于他们为之奉献了最后一切的事业
——我们要下定决心使那些死去的人不致自白牺牲——我们要使这个国家在上帝的庇佑下，获得自由的新生——我们要使这个民主、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。

林肯的就职演讲稿(英文版)

The Gettysburg Address
?? Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
?? November 19, 1863
??
??Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
??
??Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have e to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.
??
??But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never fet what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.
?? 主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯
?? 时间：1863年11月19日
?? 地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡
??
??八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
??
??我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。
??
??但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
??
??Abraham Lincoln 亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865），美国第十六任总统（1861－1865）。他自修法律，以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为总统，导致南方诸州脱离联邦。在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中，他作为总统，发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用，以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕，成功地引导一个处于分裂的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战，从而换救了联邦。他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等，以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想，不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》，因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”。林肯不仅是一个伟大的总统，更是一个伟人。他出生于社会低层，具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德。在美国历届总统中，林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位。林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信，以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称。此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一。虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说，但它没有好战之气。相反，这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞，赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们，以及他们为之献身的那些理想。其中“政府应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂。

《林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲》 是林肯的就职演讲稿吗

不是的 那是南北内战中为纪念在葛底斯堡战役中阵亡战士所做的一篇演讲。是林肯最著名的一篇演讲

美国林肯总统就职演讲稿

两层含义：第一书是日常生活中的一部分；二是心灵深处的一部分。我有一回出差，把带有我一本心爱的书的手提包丢了，但在晚上无聊时，我看起了中外历史知识台历。懊丧得不行安然入眠那一晚真够狼狈百无聊赖，浑身不自在那一个夜晚就此免去了空虚和寂寞，我像往常一样读了书。选择：（1）重读名著、经典的书；（2）翻阅时下热门的书，好则细读，虚则粗读；（3）翻翻一些偶然遭逢的书，可以悟出一些关于人生、社会的道理；（4）出于好奇心，可以读点和好书成反比的坏书。

resident before he enters on the execution of

(American Memory Collection, Library of Congress)一八六一年三月四日当亚伯拉罕.林肯就任总统时，巳有七个南方州退出联邦，其它四个南方州则宣布它们将反对联邦政府压迫各州的任何企图。其时距离内战只有一个月。在他第一任就职演讲词中，林肯总统重申他对宪法的看法，他认为联邦比诸州的历史更久，诸州之间的契约具有约束力并且不能取消。……分裂联邦，以前这还只是一种威胁，现在却已变成令人深为惶恐不安的行为。考虑到一般法律和我们的宪法，我认为这些州所组成的联邦乃是永久的。在所有国家政府的基本大法中，对于永久性一事即使没有明文规定，也是不言而喻的。我们可以肯定地说，没有一个正式的政府曾经在其组织法中，设立有关该法终止效力的条款。只要我们继续执行国家宪法中所有明文规定，这个联邦就会永久存在--除非探取这部大法本身所没有规定的某种行动，我们是不可能摧毁联邦的。再说，即使合众国不是一个正式的政府，而仅是各州之间一种契约性的组合，那么，作为一份契约，难道它就可以由少于全体订约人的一些人，平平静静地予以取缔吗?契约的某个参加者可以违犯它--或者说是破坏它;但若要废除它，难道不需要强过全体订约人才能合法地做到这一点吗?从这些普通原理再往下推，我们发现，就法律观点而言，联邦是永久性的，这一论断已由联邦本身的历史予以证实了。联邦比宪法要早得多。事实上它是根据一七七四年的联合条款组成的。 一七七六年的独立宣言使它臻于成熟，并得以继续存在下去。一七七八年的邦联条款使它进一步成熟，那时所有十三个州均宣誓明志，保证联邦的永存。最后，在一七八七年，宣布制定宪法之目的，其一便是「组成一个更完善的联邦」。如果只要一州或一部分的州就可合法地把联邦毁掉，那么，这一联邦反而不如制宪以前完善了，因为它丧失了永久性这一要素。从这些观点出发，任何州均不得仅由自己动议，即可合法脱离联邦;具有这种效果的决议和法令，在法律上是无效的;对于任何一州或数州境内反抗美国政府的暴动，这依具体情况来确定其为叛乱还是革命。因为，从宪法与法律观点来看，我认为联邦是不可分裂的;我将尽我所能，务使联邦法律在所有各州得到忠实贯彻，这是宪法本身所明确责成于我的。我认为这样做仅是我本身的一种责任;而且我将在可行的范围内履行这项责任，除非我的合法主人，即美国人民，制止使用这些必要的手段，或者通过某种权威性方式，作出相反的指示。我相信这不会被视作一种要挟，它只是联邦所明确宣布的目标，即它要依照宪法保卫和维系自身……据说在这个或那个地区里，有一些人千方百计地企图摧毁联邦，甚至不惜利用一切借口非达此目的不可。对此，我不加肯定也并不否认。但若事情果真如此，对这帮人我是不屑置词的。可是，对于那些真正热爱联邦的人们，我难道能够缄默不言吗?这会毁灭我国的国家组织，连同它的一切利益、全部历史和所有希望;在触及如此严重的问题以前，让我们把我们这样做的真实意图弄清楚，这难道不是明智的吗? 如果你们要规避的灾难可能实际上并不存在，在这种情况下，你们难道还要挺而走险吗? 如果你们即将涉足的灾难，比之你们亲身经受而想尽力逃避的一切灾难更为深重，难道你们还甘冒风险沿着错误的道路走下去直到不堪设想的地步吗?如果宪法规定的一切权利能够得到维护，则人人都会以身在联邦而感到满足的。那么，宪法里明文规定的权利究竟有哪一项真的被否定了? 我认为没有。令人欣慰的是，人们的想法皆同，无人敢冒天下之大不韪而如此做。要是你能够的话，请举一例以证明宪法明文规定的条款确曾遭到亵渎。倘若多数人只凭其多数来褫夺少数人的宪法上明文规定的任何权利，那么，从道德观点上说，这也许足以证明革命是必要的--如果这种权利是极端重要的话，那就更可以肯定地说明这一点。不过，事实并非如此。少数派和个人的重要权利在宪法中都一一列出，其形式包括正面肯定或反面否定，或是给予保障，或则悬为历禁;总之，全部清清楚楚地明确规定，对此也从未有担任何争议。但是，迄今还不曾有过一部根本大法，对于一切实际行政管理中可能出现的任何问题都有专门条款来规范;没有先知可以预见会发生什么，也没有任何繁简合度的文件所包含和阐述的条款足以应付一切可能发生的问题。联邦和州政府要交出逃亡的奴隶吗?宪法中没有明文规定。国会可以在领地里禁止奴隶制度吗? 宪法没有明文规定。国会必须在领地里维护奴隶制度吗?宪法也没有明文规定。就是从这类问题中触发出我们一切有关宪法的争论，我们不妨把争论者区分为多数派和少数派。如果少数派不顾意支持政府，那么多数派必须支持，否则政府就无法生存下去。其它的替代办法是没有的;要使政府继续存在下去，必须得有一方的支持。在这种情况下，如果有一个少数派放弃支持政府而执意脱离联邦，那么他们便开创了先例，这必然也将导致他们内部的分裂并且葬送他们;，因为每当他们内部的多数派拒受少数派的控制时，少数派就又会脱离他们。举例来说，正如目前联邦中的一些州宣布脱离联邦那样，一两年后南部新联邦中的一部分难道就不会蛮横地再行脱离吗?一切醉心于分裂的人们目前所接受的正是这种思想。这些州组织新的联邦，在它们之间难道真的具有完全一致的利益，足以使彼此和睦共处并避免重新分裂吗?虽然，脱离联邦一事的核心观念正是无政府状态的实质所在。一个多数派，被宪法的强制力和规范所约束，并能随着公共舆论和舆情的审慎变化而顺变，才是自由人民唯一真正的治理者。谁否认它，谁就必然走向无政府或专制。一致同意是不可能的;少数人的统治，作为一项永久性的措施，是完全不能接受的;因此，如果否认多数原则，剩下来的仅有某种形式的无政府状态或专制而已……我国有一部分人相信奴隶制度是对的，应当予以延续，而另外一部分则相信它是错的，不应予以延续。这是唯一的实质性争执。宪法中关于逃亡奴隶的条款，和取缔国外奴隶贸易的法律，在一个人民的道德意识并不完全支持其法律的社会里，恐怕已经像任何法律一样贯彻实施了。大多数人民对于这两项法律所施加的枯燥无味的法律善务是遵守的，少数人则对它们加以破坏，这个，我承认是无法完全纠正的;而在南北分裂以后，这两种情况将比以前更趋极端。现在没有彻底取缔的国外奴隶贸易，最终会在一方区域内不受限制地复活起来;而在另一方，对于逃亡奴隶，现在不过交出一部分，而将来会完全不交出的。从地理环境上说，我们是无法分离的。我们不能把南北两区从彼此的位置上挪开，也不能在它们中间建起无法逾越的城墙。夫妻可以离婚，以后彼此不相见，亦无法找到;但是我国的不同区域不能这样做。它们不得不面面相对，而彼此的来往，不管是友好或敌对的，一定会继续下去……我们这个国家，联同它的所有机构，都属于在这块土地上居住的人民。任何时候，他们对现政体感到厌倦，即可行使他们的宪法权利予以修改，或者运用革命的权利加以割裂或推翻。对于许多杰出和爱国的公民渴望修改国家宪法这一事实，我决不能漠然无视。尽管我没有提出修改宪法的具体建议，但我毫不含糊地承认人民对这一问题的正常权利，他们可以按照宪法本身规定的任何一种模式行使这种权利，而在目前的形势下，我应该支持人民拥有修改宪法的合理机会而不应加以反对……为什么不能坚定相信人民最终的裁决?在这个世界上，难道还有更好的或能与此相匹的希望吗?在我们目前的分歧中，难道双方都没有信心认为自己是站在正确的一边? 如果代表永恒真理和正义的全能上帝站在你们北方一边或者站在你们南方-边，那么，经过美国人民这个大法庭的裁决后，真理和正义定将普照天下……各位心怀不满的同胞，内战这一重大问题，不系于我的手里，而系于你们的手里。政府不会攻击你们。只要你们不当侵略者，你们便不会面临战斗。你们没有对天发誓要毁灭政府，但是我却将作出最严肃的誓言，要「保存、保护和保卫」它。我真不愿结束我的讲词。我们不是敌人，而是朋友。我们一定不要成雠敌。我们友情的纽带，或会因情绪激动而绷紧，但决不可折断。那种不可思议的回忆之弦，从每个战场和爱国志士的坟墓，伸展到这片辽阔土地上每一颗充满活力的心房和家庭，它一经我们本性中的善念再度(而且一定会)加以拨动，终将重新奏出响亮的联邦之曲的。

荣耀畅玩4X采用的是骁龙410芯片，其中的DSP HexagonDSP(QDSP6) HexagonDSP可让多种应用程序以超低功耗运行，如音乐播放程序、增强的音频效果应用程序、计算机视觉处理应用程序以及静止和视频图像增强应用程序，降低功耗发热也会得以优化。

布什总统宣誓就职的演讲稿

以下是2001年的演讲稿
President Gee W. Bush's Inaugural Address
January 20, 2001
President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet mon in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have e before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not aept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new mitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, passion and character.
America, at its best, matches a mitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and fiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of munity over chaos. And this mitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared acplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending mon dangers defined our mon good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is passionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and mon schools. Yet passion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our munities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in mitments. And we find that children and munity are the mitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and passion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a mon good beyond your fort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building munities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: ``We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?''
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes aumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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